The Not-too-good side of Wahindi in Migration
The New York Times provides interesting accounts of the lives of elderly Asian and other migrants following the change of legislation which allows the elderly to join their sons and daughters who have made new lives in the US normally based on professional achievement or through success in business. Please see:
http://www.nytimes.com/2009/08/31/us/31elder.html?pagewanted=1&hp
It should be pointed out that all the cases presented by the New York Times are not the typical subject of this blog- the East African Asian. But the stories also reflect how the Wahindi Mzee are going through difficult times in many cases. For the uninitiated, the ‘Mzee’ is an elderly person and the word also conveys a form of respect in the way elderly persons are addressed in the Kenyan culture.
The temptation of the elderly to join their sons and daughters does not always bring peace and happiness for all in the family and also in the community. The elderly spend their time in the streets for a combination of reasons, all a consequence of accepting an invitation to uproot themselves from their homes in India and elsewhere to live a better life in Fremont, Southall or Toronto, to
- Live in with the sons and their families especially where daughters-in-law will agree or where the son is the dominant partner.
- Live in own accommodation provided by the sons (and daughters in many cases) and planned for in advance of their arrival- the best option- and still visit their grown up children and have the best of both worlds.
- Live in rented accommodation or at the bottom rungs of society in isolation, even in poverty. When the families fall apart, the culture of the extended family takes a hard hit and the older people suffer in the fallout.
- Live in own accommodation in the inner city areas. They may be enjoying the fruits of their retirement and may be enjoying their pension just as many other old-age pensioners. Why should they not venture into the city, they say?
In a few cases, the migrant elderly are on the street as a result of misfortune, excessive alcohol abuse and inability to go to the Sikh and Hindu Temples where active alcoholics may even be barred.
The comments that I make here focus on the Sikh elderly mainly because their arrivals into these cities are well known and almost predictable in numbers. The fact that the elderly are able to migrate is not entirely due to changes in legislation; the strong joint-family cultures can provide an extremely useful cushion for both the elderly and their sons and daughters where the arrangements work well. The pull of family values must still count otherwise it is difficult to see why some elderly people will give comfortable and secure lives in the home country to live in isolation in the US, Canada or UK.
What also merits discussion is the academic analysis of migration, the politics of decisions made by Western governments and the economics of the decision.
- The costs of assimilating elderly migrants must be lower than the cost of losing competent professionals whose parents and relations the elderly people generally tend to be. There is no evidence of such an analysis that I have seen and besides, should cost be the sole criterion for decision making in relation to the migration of the elderly? Do policy makers in immigration policy carry out a cost-benefit analysis of the decision to accept elderly migrants? Do they indeed and should they really?
- It also depends at what age the elderly first arrive in the new countries of choice. It is most likely that the majority will have worked in the labour force, paid their taxes and made a contribution to their pensions. They may also have their own homes, savings and in some cases, even a motorcar.
The problem is not of economics but sociology. It would appear that the elderly migrants who tend to resort to spending their leisure time in the street could come from a combination of backgrounds; they could be relatively new arrivals, they could have fallen out with their sons and daughters or they may prefer to be on their own. But there is also the distinct possibility that a very few of them could be brave and adventurous and might have deviated from the trodden paths of other elderly migrants to go have a look at the ‘big city’, to learn how it works and see the sights for themselves.
However, the three New York Times articles tend to highlight the lives of the elderly who are not in the street by choice. These people are unhappy and reflect a sad and unplanned turning point in their lives. In that respect Fremont, Southall and Toronto have sadly a lot in common as far as the quality of the lives of the elderly migrants are concerned.
But it is not doom and gloom in all cases. In my next posting I look at some humorous aspects of extended family in the West. There is another dimension – the word ‘Mzee’ has been used in the above introduction. Its true meanings are reflected the Kenyan culture and its attitudes towards the elderly. There are also many other interesting approaches to how the African in general treats their elderly in traditional and modern societies. This will be covered in a future post but any advanced thoughts are welcome, especially from East Africans. I am interested in how forms of address reflect cultural recognition of the elderly, how the emerging African societies in Kenya, Uganda and Tanzania are coping with strains and stresses of changing times in Africa and also the impact of urbanisation on traditional values.
A Vice President’s Dilemma
October 21, 2009 · Leave a Comment
Uganda’s Vice President Visits Canada
There has been some discussion about the trip that the Vice President of Uganda has made to Canada to try to lure former Ugandan Asians back to the country from where they were expelled. They were the engine of commerce and investors in economic development of Uganda. It is said that the GDP of the country fell by 40% when the Asians finally vacated their key positions in the economy.
What was it about the Asian community that made them so special? Can the Ugandan authorities not replace them with other very successful operators of trade and commerce such as the Lebanese, the Chinese or even the Nigerians who now buy their stock in Hong Kong and sell the items in Zambia?
There are five elements of interest in relation to the emergence and consolidation of the Asians’ grip of the East and Central African economies. The Asians became the more favoured and notable producers of wealth in the East and Central African countries because their main “rivals”, the multinational corporations (the MNCs) were detested by many African governments. Large MNCs like the British banks and producers of goods that became household names- soaps, washing powders, paracetamol (provided by companies such as Reckitt and Coleman) wanted to externalise their profits to please their British shareholders. They were also mostly the manufacturers who expected more added value than the lower value adding Asian traders but who made up for this through their numbers.
The Asians also wanted to root themselves in the countries of their adoption, and consequently their presence was probably more valued. They created the highly costly distribution chains, taking goods from the main cities to the ‘charo’. The Dalgetys and Motor Marts had no such interest; they were mega-traders who wanted to move large amounts of money out of Africa.
The Asians were also investing more, in the main, in baseline infrastructure – low cost local shops, schools, clinics, housing for the lower paid whereas the MNCs, driven by the quest for larger profits were investing in 5 Star hotels or similar ventures.
Some of the greatest examples of diversified investment also came from the Asians, who were good at spotting niches – fishnets, plastics, furniture which met critical local needs.
Over a period of time, African entrepreneurs have taken over the low cost import substitution industries (toothpaste, matches, writing pens, notebooks) where as the Asians have started to move into high cost investment – medicines, telecoms, banks, computers.
So why does the Vice President of Uganda want the Asians to go back to Uganda? Idi Amin had removed the low cost baseline commerce that the Asians provided. There is another major factor at play here and I have just begun to see the impact of this on the UK economy- the provision of working capital by the commercial bank has dried up after the banking crash. Many small companies are starved of working capital.
In East Africa, the loans that ‘lubricated’ Asian commerce and trade were also guaranteed by the Asian mega-trader and not always by the commercial banks. The Asians had access to private sources of commercial lending or trade subsidies- many an Asian importer or manufacturer was willing to give credit to their own people; sometimes families and relations who had been set up to share the risks and rewards by the older patriarchs of Asian commerce.
I have seen the impact of this form of intra-Asian economic specialisation in the building construction industry, which was dominated by the Sikhs. The more successful owners of Sikh building firms were also informal money-lenders. They provided trade guarantees and offered working capital to the subsidiary companies in the supply chain, thereby tightening their grip over their dependency. It suited the rich Sikh building contractor to fund the baseline services and suppliers – the Sikh plumbers, electricians, painters in return for guarantees relating to quality of services but also incrementally rising loyalty. In the same way the Gujarati traders at the top of the pyramid were prepared to fund the dukawalla who was willing to work in the charo. By providing trade credit, i.e. goods on 60 days credit, the top Gujarati trader was a) expanding his own trading influence, b) taking lower levels of risk by funding trusted borrowers and c) ensuring loyalty of the trader in the charo, who would not normally switch suppliers. The Ismaili community also had internally sponsored ‘pseudo’ banking practices. The Ismaili ethic of sustaining the whole community was partly funded by the internal but informal money sources.
The intricate financing and co-financing habits of the Mafia come to mind, except that the Asians were not at all ruthless. This is not to say that they did not make their fellow traders suffer; there was anecdotal evidence of traders and suppliers being pushed to the edge where the ‘patriarch’ of the business line was occasionally offended. There was a further factor at work here. Where business was funded through caste-based “clans”, there was also intermarriage. The sponsor of your working capital would not fund your business if your son was not prepared to marry his obese and ugly daughter. Let us leave it at that….
Returning to the Uganda Vice President’s visit to Uganda to woo the Asians, it seems that the Asian presence in Uganda had been secured by living in the country for over a century, by accepting a subservient role in commerce and business compared to the British multinationals that eventually bore the brunt of Ugandan President Milton Obote’s and Zambia’s Kenneth Kaunda’s “watershed speeches” when they nationalised British multinationals and in the case of the latter also drove them into the ground by failing to run them profitably. The only stable element in the commerce of these countries was the Asians; they were too small to be nationalised and too intricately connected to allow African governments to dismantle them… Only Idi Amin had the brutal force to evict them lock-stock and barrel.
However, it is not just a case of replacing one group of departing Asians with another group of incoming Asian peoples. What will be missing is the cultural cement which held Asian trade and commerce together but more importantly the delicate interdependencies and the informal funding mechanisms which created access to low cost finance and also guarantees for access to local markets at low cost.
Categories: Commentaries
Tagged: problems, return to Uganda, risk of failure, Uganda Asians, why they may not return